1. Particulate matter and its effects

Korea established environmental standards for PM2.5 in 2015 and has monitored airborne PM2.5 concentrations since then. The average annual PM2.5 concentration gradually declined from 26 μg/㎥ in 2015 to 18 μg/㎥ in 2021 (국립환경과학원, 2022, p.27). [Figure 1] illustrates the average regional and monthly PM2.5 concentrations for 2021. PM2.5 levels tend to be higher in the densely populated capital area, especially during the stable atmospheric conditions of winter and spring. Air quality is deemed poor and very poor when the daily average PM2.5 concentration ranges from 36 to 75 μg/㎥ and exceeds 76 μg/㎥, respectively. In 2021, there were 22 days with poor air quality and one day with very poor air quality nationwide (국립환경과학원, 2022, p.24), meaning that approximately fifty million people were exposed to unhealthy air quality for nearly one month within the year.

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Figure 1.

Average regional and monthly PM2.5 concentrations in 2021

Source: Own elaboration based on the data of National Institute of Environmental Research (국립환경과학원, 2022, p.63, 150)

PM2.5 is known to adversely affect young children’s health. Local governments can recommend temporary closures of childcare centers, kindergartens, and elementary schools when predicted PM2.5 concentrations reach levels necessitating emergency reduction measures. There was discontent among working mothers when the Korean government announced its emergency reduction plan in 2019. In response, the government stated that closure recommendations would be minimized, even under emergency reduction measures, and alternative childcare services would be provided for dual-earner families (정책브리핑, February 20, 2019). However, considering previous research on the relationships between air pollution and school absenteeism, as well as air pollution and parents’ working hours, it is plausible that parents’ childcare time increases as PM2.5 pollution levels rise.

Ransom & Pope (1992) assessed the association between elementary school absenteeism and PM10 pollution in two U.S. school districts. They found a significantly positive correlation between absenteeism and PM10 levels, with effects persisting for up to four weeks. Absenteeism responses to PM10 pollution were more pronounced in lower grades, indicating younger children are more susceptible to air pollution effects (Ransom & Pope, 1992). This association is also observed in Korea. Park, Lee, Ha, Lee, Kim & Hong (2002) analyzed the correlation between air pollutants and absenteeism among Korean elementary students. They found that only illness-related absences were associated with elevated levels of PM10, sulfur dioxide, and ozone (Park, Lee, Ha, Lee, Kim & Hong, 2002). When a child is ill and absent from school, it often falls on mothers to provide care, suggesting a close link between air pollution and mothers’ daily activities.

An expanding body of literature explores air pollution’s impacts on daily activities, predominantly focusing on Asian or Latin American countries with high pollution levels. 서미숙 (2015) analyzed PM10 concentration effects on hours worked and outdoor leisure time, considering gender and employment status. Employed women reduced work hours, and unemployed women decreased outdoor leisure time with rising PM10 levels (서미숙, 2015). However, no significant relationships were found for men, suggesting women may be more sensitive to PM10 pollution. 서미숙 (2015) did not confirm whether caregiving responsibilities influenced women’s time allocation, as the presence of dependents was not identified. Aragón, Miranda & Oliva (2017) studied PM2.5 pollution’s impact on labor supply in Peru, emphasizing caregiving’s role. They noted a negative correlation between PM2.5 exposure and hours worked, particularly in households with young children and older adults, interpreting this as evidence that air pollution influences household decisions by affecting dependents’ health and increasing caregiving demands (Aragón, Miranda & Oliva, 2017).

When alternative caregiving arrangements exist, air pollution’s effects on working hours can differ, as seen in China and Chile. Fan & Grainger (2019) found that higher PM2.5 levels were correlated with reduced weekly work hours in China, with no significant difference between parents and non-parents, likely due to prevalent grandparenting. Montt (2018) observed a similar trend in Chile, especially among women with children, attributed to the caregiving arrangements in Chile. The impact of air pollution on labor supply, especially through the caregiving channel, shows persistence over time. Kim, Manley & Radoias (2017) demonstrated that the air pollution from Indonesia’s 1997 forest fires continued to affect work hours for respondents with dependents even three years later, particularly among women, and was not observed in those without dependents.

These studies suggest that caregiving significantly contributes to reduced working hours with increased air pollution. However, the question remains: does PM2.5 pollution indeed affect parental childcare time?

2. Measurements of childcare time

The question of how much time parents in Korea allocate to childcare is significant. To address this, it is crucial to define “childcare” clearly. Past research on parental childcare time often did not distinguish between different types of parent-child interactions (Nock & Kingston, 1988, p.61). However, the intriguing situation where increased maternal labor force participation seemed not to affect the time mothers spent with children led researchers to develop more nuanced measurements of childcare time (Bianchi, 2000, p.404). Bianchi (2000, p.412) emphasizes the importance of recognizing what is essential for children’s well-being as an integral part of childcare. She suggests three specific measures for childcare time: primary childcare, secondary childcare, and time spent with children. Primary childcare involves direct caregiving activities, secondary childcare refers to caregiving as a background, and time spent with children includes any period where children are present, even if not actively engaged in the activities (Bianchi, 2000).

윤자영 (2018, p.174) defines childcare based on Reid’s third-party criterion, considering activities that could be delegated to paid workers or replaced by market goods as forms of childcare (Reid, 1934, p.11). This definition implies that being attentive to children during other activities also constitutes childcare, as these responsibilities might be delegated in the parents’ absence. 윤자영 (2018) measured Korean parents’ childcare time using the Korean Time Use Survey, aligning with the categories by Bianchi (2000): direct childcare, indirect (simultaneous) childcare, and time spent with children. According to her findings, in 2014, Korean women with children under 10 spent an average of 161.6 minutes per day on direct childcare, 8.1 minutes on indirect childcare, and 127.9 minutes on time spent with children. Conversely, Korean men in similar situations spent an average of 39.6 minutes on direct childcare, 2.2 minutes on indirect childcare, and 86.4 minutes on time spent with children (윤자영, 2018).2) These statistics reveal a substantial gender disparity in Korean domestic life, with women investing significantly more time in childcare. Men, in contrast, primarily engage in childcare by being with their children rather than participating directly in caregiving tasks. Despite an increase in men’s involvement, women continue to manage more direct and routine caregiving activities. Interestingly, simultaneous caregiving time is relatively brief, suggesting either a lack of recognition for secondary caregiving tasks or a recall bias in reporting.

This study adopts three distinct measurements for assessing childcare time using the Korean Time Use Survey: Childcare Time as a Primary Activity (CPA), Childcare Time as a Simultaneous Activity (CSA), and Childcare Time in a Broader Context (CBC). Recognizing that childcare often coincides with other tasks, CSA reflects this multifaceted reality. The concept of childcare extends beyond direct tasks, encompassing the mental effort of attending to children’s well-being. Therefore, CBC includes both physical and mental aspects of childcare. This comprehensive approach is pertinent for exploring whether PM2.5 pollution affects childcare time, considering that pollution-related child illnesses and reduced operational hours of educational institutions likely affect both direct caregiving and overall time spent with children. Furthermore, since respondents in the 2019 Korean Time Use Survey record their time spent using Information and Communications Technology (ICT) devices, such as smartphones, along with their activities involving these devices, this measurement provides the advantage of capturing parents’ distant supervisory roles.

3. Gendered division of childcare time

Women, in general, tend to spend more time on childcare than men. The gendered division of unpaid work3) including childcare can be understood through three main approaches: the rational choice approach, the relative resources approach, and the gender ideology approach. The rational choice approach, as proposed by Becker (1981), posits that the division of labor within families is a result of rational decision-making aimed at maximizing the household’s overall productivity. In this model, married women often devote more time to unpaid work because their market wage rates tend to be lower than those of men, while their productivity in household tasks is greater than that of men (Becker, 1981, Enlarged Ed., 1991, p.42,). Subsequent studies have further refined this approach by demonstrating that unpaid work is allocated rationally based on household members’ availability of time (Coverman, 1985; Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer & Robinson, 2000). The relative resources approach suggests that the division of unpaid work reflects the resources that partners bring to their marriage. According to this approach, individuals with relatively fewer resources for negotiation, such as lower income or education, tend to perform more unpaid work (Hiller, 1984; Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer & Robinson, 2000). The gender ideology approach emphasizes that the division of unpaid work is influenced by societal gender norms rather than purely rational decisions within a family. This perspective asserts that individuals adopt traditional divisions of labor due to socialization, where men are expected to be breadwinners and women to be homemakers (Cunningham, 2001). Consequently, when couples divide labor, they often enact the gender norms prevalent in their society, a concept referred to as “doing gender” (West & Zimmerman 1987, p.137). According to this approach, individuals with more egalitarian gender role attitudes are likely to spend more time on unpaid work, and this association is especially strong among men (Blair & Lichter, 1991; Shelton & John, 1996).

Recent research on the division of unpaid work highlights two important points. First, there is a growing consensus that childcare and housework should be analyzed separately because these two domestic tasks exhibit distinct characteristics. Childcare is generally perceived as more enjoyable, rewarding, and desirable compared to housework (Gershuny, 2013; Sullivan, 2013). It appears that childcare is shared more equitably between partners than housework (김진욱, 권진, 2017; An, 2018; Zamberlan, Gioachin & Gritti, 2021). Consequently, the explanations offered by the three approaches may not necessarily align with the actual practice when it comes to childcare.

Research on Korean women’s involvement in unpaid work indicates that lower relative income and more traditional gender role attitudes are associated with increased time spent on housework, aligning with the relative resources and gender ideology approaches. However, these associations do not hold true for childcare (이태, 안준홍, 2022). In contrast to the rational choice approach, which posits that higher educational attainment should lead to reduced childcare time due to the expectation of higher market income, it is observed that parents with higher levels of education tend to invest more time in childcare. (주은선, 김사현, 김민성, 2014; García-Mainar, Molina & Montuenga, 2011). This discrepancy can be explained by the fact that childcare also includes an investment component, and high-quality childcare services may not be easily attainable in the market (García-Mainar, Molina & Montuenga, 2011). Therefore, educational level is better understood as an indicator of parents’ commitment to their children’s development and education rather than merely as a resource to negotiate away childcare responsibilities. 김진욱 & 권진 (2017) demonstrates that the factors influencing childcare time among Korean men have changed over time. In 2014, compared to 2004, the explanatory power of the dual-earner variable diminished, while the variable of gender role attitudes became significant in explaining married Korean men’s childcare time. An (2018) investigated the gender division of childcare in Korea and found that the most significant difference between men and women lies in gender role attitudes. While no association is found between childcare time and gender role attitudes among women, men who hold more progressive gender role attitudes tend to have a higher share of childcare responsibilities. In summary, recent research suggests that educational level is a significant predictor of women’s childcare time, while gender role attitudes play a pivotal role in men’s childcare involvement.

Second, how additional childcare responsibilities are divided between men and women in response to unexpected situations is a significant question. We have recently experienced a powerful external shock worldwide, the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. Many countries implemented lockdowns and closed schools and childcare centers to mitigate the spread of the virus, and research on how parents adapted to these changes sheds light on whether the division aligns with the three previously discussed approaches. While some evidence supports the time availability and relative resources approaches, the most influential factor in the distribution of extra childcare during the pandemic was found to be gender norms (Zamberlan, Gioachin & Gritti, 2021; Del Boca, Oggero, Profeta & Rossi, 2022; Durante, Rodgers, Kaplowitz, Zundl, Ulu & Cohen, 2022; Smiljanić, Pepur & Bulog, 2023). This trend persisted even in countries with relatively high levels of gender equality, such as France. During the early months of the pandemic, going outdoors was viewed as potentially risky and associated with masculinity. As a result, women primarily assumed direct and routine caregiving responsibilities indoors, while men took on more indirect tasks like grocery shopping (Pasqualini, Dominguez-Folgueras, Ferragina, Godechot, Recchi & Safi, 2022, p.1029). It appears that during periods of crisis, traditional gender roles tend to resurface, and men and women revert to these roles despite progress in gender equality.

Detailed time-use surveys conducted during the pandemic reveal a gendered pattern in childcare responsibilities. With the closure of schools and childcare centers, both women and men reported an increase in time spent on childcare. However, women, on average, devoted an additional 5.2 hours per week to childcare, while men added 3.5 extra hours across 16 countries (UN Women, 2020).4) In Korea, dual-earner mothers added 1.8 hours more to their daily childcare responsibilities, while dual-earner fathers added 0.8 hours (은기수, 2020, p.40). Data collected from 25 OECD countries during the pandemic revealed that 76.9% of mothers who were not employed (but had working partners) reported undertaking most or all of the additional childcare, whereas only 24.5% of not employed fathers (with working partners) claimed the same (OECD, 2021). It is consistently observed that fathers’ involvement in childcare depends on their partners’ working arrangements. Fathers tend to spend relatively more hours on childcare only when their partners are unable to telework. However, mothers who work from home tend to take on the majority of additional childcare responsibilities, regardless of their partners’ working arrangements (Boll, Müller & Schüller, 2021; Margaria, 2021; Del Boca, Oggero, Profeta & Rossi, 2022). This asymmetry suggests the presence of gendered dynamics in times of crisis.

4. Research question

This research pivots around the central question: does PM2.5 pollution influence the amount of time parents dedicate to childcare? While existing studies extensively document how air pollution diminishes individuals’ work hours—especially for parents with young children—insights into its effects on non-market (unpaid) parental time remain scarce. This investigation seeks to discern if, and to what extent, types of parental childcare time are susceptible to fluctuations in PM2.5 pollution levels, with a keen interest in uncovering potential gender-specific impacts. Insights from studies conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic suggest a gendered allocation of additional childcare responsibilities in response to escalating PM2.5 pollution levels. Although the dynamics of prolonged pandemic lockdowns and daily PM2.5 pollution variations differ, they converge in imposing unexpected childcare demands, predominantly on mothers. Both scenarios—heightened pollution and pandemic conditions—can trigger health issues, necessitate confinement at home, and disrupt regular childcare facilities’ schedules. Consequently, this study examines whether PM2.5 pollution’s impact on parental childcare time exhibits gender disparities.

1. Data and sample

This study melds PM2.5 data with time-use statistics across Korea’s 17 administrative regions for the year 2019. PM2.5 data, sourced from the Air Korea website—managed by the Korea Environment Corporation and accessed on November 17, 2022—comprises real-time air quality indicators. This system captures hourly readings of various air pollutants, including PM2.5, from 642 monitoring stations nationwide.

Parental childcare time information is derived from the 2019 Korean Time Use Survey’s microdata, a quinquennial survey orchestrated by Statistics Korea, with the data also retrieved on November 17, 2022. The 2019 iteration of this survey spanned three distinct periods—July 19-28 for the first round, September 20-29 for the second round, and November 29-December 8 for the third round—to account for seasonal discrepancies, engaging roughly 29,000 individuals from 12,435 households. Employing a time diary methodology, the survey instructs participants to detail their primary and simultaneous activities, companionship, and other specifics in 10-minute intervals over 48 hours. Additionally, it encompasses diverse demographic and personal details, including income, educational background, employment status, and perspectives on gender roles. The survey’s regional data, corresponding to 17 administrative divisions—encompassing seven metropolitan cities, eight provinces, one special self-governing province, and one special self-governing city—were synchronized with the 642 PM2.5 monitoring stations’ data. This integration was executed based on the respondents’ dates5) and regions.

Focusing on dual-income parents with at least one child younger than 10—typically those confronting the most acute time constraints—the sample was further streamlined to exclude households comprising extended family members, thereby eliminating potential childcare assistance from these individuals. The analysis prioritizes time-use data from weekdays, consolidating a total of 1,220 observations over two days from 610 respondents.

2. Measurements

This study delineates childcare time through three distinct lenses: Childcare Time as a Primary Activity (CPA), Childcare Time as a Simultaneous Activity (CSA), and Childcare Time in a Broader Context (CBC). CPA quantifies the daily minutes to primary childcare activities for children under 10, encompassing seven specific tasks ranging from physical care to educational engagement, as classified by the Korean Time Use Survey. This measure also accounts for travel time related to these children activities. CSA, on the other hand, captures the duration wherein childcare is a secondary task, performed alongside other primary activities. This time is discerned through respondents’ notations of concurrent tasks. Lastly, CBC aggregates all childcare-related time, including moments spent in childrens’ presence, regardless of active engagement, utilizing data on respondents’ company during each activity.

The independent variables, average daily PM2.5 concentration, were calculated for both the survey day and the preceding day across Korea’s 17 regions. For example, the PM2.5 concentration in Seoul on January 1 is the average value of 600 readings (24×25) measured hourly from 01:00 to 24:00 on January 1 at 25 PM2.5 monitoring stations in Seoul. These figures factor in immediate health impacts of PM2.5 exposure, particularly for vulnerable demographics. The study also integrates a gender variable to probe its direct and interactive effects on childcare time in relation to PM2.5 fluctuations.

Control variables encompass age, educational background, employment status, monthly income, relative income, children younger than six, gender role attitude, place of residence, region, survey round, and regional weather conditions. An overview of these variables is presented in <Table 1>.

3. Analytical strategy

This research adopts random effects Tobit models to elucidate the links between PM2.5 levels and childcare time. Tobit models are utilized when a dependent variable is continuous but subject to censoring at a certain threshold (e.g., zero in the case of time). Tobit models are ideal for this type of data as they handle restricted variance in the dependent variable and provide nonnegative fitted estimates (Wooldridge, 2012, p.597). Tobit models assume the presence of a latent dependent variable that exists for all observations and can theoretically assume values over its entire range, which includes negative values. However, due to censoring, observed values are truncated when they fall below a certain threshold, typically zero, and are recorded as zero. The actual observed outcome is only recorded when the latent variable exceeds this threshold (민인식, 최필선, 2015, p.122).

Recognizing the Korean Time Use Survey’s two-day data collection framework, this study treats the information as panel data with a one-day interval, preserving the integrity of temporal relationships.6) Random effects models, chosen for their capacity to discern both within- and between-unit effects and accommodate time-invariant variables, hinges on the assumption of no covariate-unit effect correlation (Clark & Linzer, 2012). In other words, estimators would not be consistent in the presence of omitted variables. To counteract potential omitted variable bias, the models integrate controls correlating with PM2.5 variability, including region, survey round, and rainfall, acknowledging the pollutant’s sensitivity to these factors.

The analytical strategy further encompasses interaction terms between PM2.5 concentration and gender, probing the hypothesis of gender-conditioned PM2.5 impacts. All statistical computations were executed using Stata13 software.

1. Descriptive statistics

<Table 2> delineates the stark contrast in childcare time between male and female parents in dual-earner families, with children under 10, based on three childcare time metrics. The average values of CPA, CSA, and CBC among men are 37.5 minutes, 5.9 minutes, and 70.1 minutes a day, respectively. Men engage in childcare activities for just over an hour daily. In contrast, women spend 192.1 minutes a day with their children, with 128.3 minutes dedicated to CPA and 20.5 minutes to CSA. Women dedicate approximately three hours, a difference compared to men most pronounced in primary childcare activities. This discrepancy underscores women’s more substantial involvement, both in terms of duration and intensity. Interestingly, simultaneous childcare activities, though expected to be prevalent given the time constraints in dual-earner families, are scarcely reported, suggesting an underrepresentation in the survey data.

<Table 3> provides summary statistics for the independent and control variables used in the analysis. The average PM2.5 concentrations of the survey date and the day before are approximately 14 μg/㎥, which is lower than the national average PM2.5 concentration for 2019 across the country, which was 23 μg/㎥. This could be because the first and second rounds of the survey were conducted in July and September when PM2.5 pollution tends to decrease. The gender ratio is balanced since the sample includes men and women from 305 dual-earner families. The average age of respondents is 38.7 years old. Around 66% of respondents are college or university graduates, and a similar percentage are regular workers. The most common monthly income falls within the range of 2-3 million KRW, accounting for 28.4% of respondents, followed by the 3-4 million KRW range. In many cases, respondents’ income differs from that of their partner, with most men reporting higher incomes than their partners (or conversely, most women reporting lower incomes than their partners). Two-thirds of respondents have children under six. More than 82% of respondents disagreed with the statement that “A man’s job is to earn money, and a woman’s job is to look after the home and family,” indicating more progressive gender role attitudes. About 79% of respondents live in Dong-unit areas, indicating a higher proportion of urban residents compared to rural areas. The largest number of respondents reside in the capital region (29.2%), while the Gangwon region has the smallest representation (4.6%). A relatively larger number of respondents participated in the first and second rounds of the survey. On 31% of the survey days, there was rainfall.

2. Regression Analyses

<Table 4> presents regression analysis results. Models 1, 3, and 5 were designed to examine the main effects of the independent and control variables, while Models 2, 4, and 6 assessed the moderating effects of gender. The likelihood-ratio test was performed, concluding that it is more appropriate to use random effects Tobit models rather than pooled Tobit models in all of the models.

The PM2.5 concentrations of the survey date and the day before had no significant effect on CPA (Model 1), CSA (Model 3), and CBC (Model 5). However, a nuanced picture emerges when considering gender as a moderating factor, with increased PM2.5 levels correlating with more time women spend on childcare activities. For women, when the PM2.5 concentration of the survey date increases by one μg/㎥, the time spent on CPA increases by 2.654 minutes (Model 2), CSA increases by 2.560 minutes (Model 4), and CBC increases by 3.306 minutes (Model 6).7) The gender-differentiated responses are visualized in Figure 2, which illustrates the changes in childcare time as the PM2.5 concentration of the survey date rises, while keeping the other variables at their average values. It is evident that the slopes vary between genders, underscoring societal norms dictating childcare responsibilities, particularly during environmental crises. These findings resonate with existing literature on reduced working hours for women during high pollution periods, suggesting a compensatory increase in childcare investment. Further analysis is needed to determine which specific activities increase the additional childcare time, but potential activities include washing children more thoroughly, nursing sick children, or engaging in indoor play with children.

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Figure 2.

Childcare time for males and females by PM2.5 concentration of the survey date

Source: Own elaboration based on the 2019 Korean Time Use Survey and the data of Air Korea

The variables of gender, age, education background, working status, relative income, the presence of children under six years old, and region significantly influenced CPA (Model 1). The descriptive statistics revealed a notable disparity in the childcare time between women and men. Holding other variables constant, women dedicated 82.715 more minutes (65.725 more minutes among the actual observed outcomes) to CPA compared to men. Childcare time tends to decrease as parents’ age increases. This trend may be attributed to the fact that older parents are likely to have older children who require less care. There was a noteworthy increase in childcare time among college or university graduates and parents with higher educational level compared to those with a high school degree or lower education. This finding aligns with previous research, indicating that higher educational levels correlate with increased interest in children’s development and education, leading to a greater investment of time in childcare. Employment status also played a role, with temporary or daily workers, self-employed, and unpaid family workers spending more time caring for their children compared to regular workers. This difference may be attributed to the flexibility in working hours enjoyed by these occupational groups, as opposed to the fixed schedules of regular workers. Parents with higher income than their partner spent less time caring for their children than those with lower income relative to their partner. This could be interpreted as these individuals utilizing their income as a negotiation resource or dedicating more hours to their work than their partner. Parents with children under six years old allocated more time to childcare than those without such young children. This disparity likely arises from the greater need for parental care and attention among younger children. Lastly, residents of the Gangwon area devoted more time to childcare than those in the capital area. This discrepancy may be attributed to the number of children under six years old per household. When comparing the number of children under six per household by area, the Gangwon area stands out as the only area among the five, with more than one, specifically at 1.1, while the capital area is 0.9. Given that the number of younger children significantly influences physical care time, it appears that, even after controlling for the presence of children under six, the Gangwon area’s CPA remains longer than that of the capital area.8)

CSA was found to be associated with gender and region (Model 3). Women’s childcare time exceeded that of men by 36.933 minutes (11.495 minutes among the actual observed outcomes), and residents of the Gangwon and Gyeongsang areas exhibited longer childcare times when compared to those in the capital area. There are many facets of CSA that are not explained by the approaches examined in the literature review, apart from gender. It is anticipated that parents whose children are in urgent need of care and who find themselves juggling self-care and childcare will spend more time on CSA. In light of this assumption, it becomes apparent that women experience greater time constraints compared to men.

CBC was found to be associated with gender, age, educational background, employment status, monthly income, relative income, and the presence of children under six years old (Model 5). These findings mirror the results for Model 1, as the CBC encompasses both time spent on primary and simultaneous activity. Therefore, the majority of variations in the dependent variable stems from the changes in CPA and CSA. To put it differently, as PM2.5 concentration rises, the time spent on direct care work increases, which naturally leads to the increase in time spent with children. One notable difference lies in the significance of monthly income; higher monthly income was correlated with less overall time spent with children, possibly because individuals with higher incomes tend to have longer working hours and, as a result, less time available for childcare.

Interestingly, the gender role attitude variable did not significantly influence childcare time in any of the models (Models 1, 3, and 5), hinting at the pervasiveness of traditional gender roles in childcare, irrespective of individual beliefs. This insight underscores the societal expectation burdening women with primary caregiving responsibilities, especially during environmental or health emergencies.