1998년 국민연금법의 개정으로 인하여, 국민연금의 완전노령연금의 수급개시연령은 기존의 60세에서 1953년생부터 출생연도 기준으로 4년마다 1세씩 증가하여 최종적으로 65세까지 증가하게 된다. 연금수급개시연령의 증가는 연금급여의 순삭감을 가져오며, 따라서 순수한 소득효과를 발생시켜 고령자의 노동시장참여율을 증가시킬 것으로 기대된다. 급여 인센티브가 국민들의 노동시장행동에 미치는 영향은 급여의 설계에서 고려되어야 하는 중요한 정보이다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 우리나라의 연금수급개시연령의 증가가 남성 고령자의 노동시장참여에 미치는 영향을 대표성이 있으며 충분한 관찰 수를 제공하는 월별 경제활동인구조사를 활용하여 분석을 시행하였다. 구체적으로 연금수급개시연령이 60세인 1945-52년생 코호트들과 연금수급개시연령이 61세인 1953-55년생 코호트들의 ‘주당 20시간 이상 근로여부’, ‘주당 30시간 이상 근로여부’, ‘주당 40시간 이상 근로여부’로 정의한 노동시장참여율에 차이가 있는지를 분석하였다. 이를 위하여 개인특성변수와 노동시장변수를 통제한 다음, 코호트에 따른 노동시장참여율의 추세에 연금수급개시연령의 차이에 따른 단절이 발생하는지를 분석하였다. 그러나 분석결과, 연금수급개시연령의 60세로부터 61세로의 증가가 남성 고령자의 노동시장참여율에 미치는 영향에 대한 일관된 증거를 발견할 수 없었다.;According to the reform in 1998 of the National Pension in South Korea, the pension eligibility age would increase, beginning in 2013, by one year every 5 years from the previous 60 until reaching 65. The increase in the pension eligibility age will lead to a net reduction in pension benefits, which is expected to result in a net income effect and increase the participation of the elderly in the labor market. The impact of pay incentives on people’s labor market behavior is information that is integral to the design of benefits. Therefore, in this study, we analyzed the effect of the increase in the pension eligibility age in South Korea on the labor market participation of the elderly, using a monthly Economically Active Population Survey, which is representative and provides sufficient number of observations. Specifically, we analyzed whether there is a difference in the labor market participation rate between the birth cohort 1945-52 with the pension eligibility age of 60 and the birth cohort of 1953-55 with the pension eligibility age of 61. Labor market participation was defined as ‘whether they worked more than 20 hours per week’, ‘more than 30 hours per week’, and ‘working more than 40 hours per week’. For this, we analyzed whether the trend of the labor market participation rate according to the cohort resulted in the discontinuity due to the difference in pension eligibility age after controlling for personal characteristics and labor market variables. However, there was no consistent evidence that the increase in the pensionable age from 60 to 61 had an impact on the labor market participation rate of the elderly.
최근 자원으로서의 시간에 대한 개인의 인식은 인간의 생활을 영위하는 기초적 단위로서 시간의 가치활용도를 높이고 인간관계의 맥락을 심화시키며, 그들의 「삶의 질」을 극대화하는 핵심적인 가치를 부여하는데 초점을 맞추고 있다. 그렇지만 어느 누구에게나 정해져 있는 시간의 양(quantity)을 어떻게 효율적으로 사용하고, 필요한 분야 및 항목에 얼마나 배분하는가에 따라 시간의 질(quality)을 증대시킬 수 있다. 본 연구는 1999년 통계청에서 처음으로 실시한 자료를 심층 분석하는 것이다. 연구목적은 기혼여성의 혼인상태 및 사회경제적 특성에 따라 생활시간 배분이 어떻게 상이한지를 분석하고 문제점을 찾으며, 아울러 효율적 시간활용방안을 제시하고 정책적 지원방안도 함께 모색하는데 있다. 주요 결과는 우리나라 기혼여성의 생활시간 배분은 혼인상태에 따라 현저한 차이가 있었다는 점이다. 아울러 기혼여성의 경제활동여부도 생활시간 배분에 영향을 크게 미치고 있었다. 특히 이혼부인은 생계유지를 위하여 경제활동에 적극 참여해야 하기 때문에 적절한 시간배분에 문제점을 노출시키고 있었다. 이와 같은 일련의 분석연구는 우리나라 부인의 혼인상태, 연령, 경제활동참여 및 직업유형 등의 특성에 따라 생활방식과 삶의 질을 파악하고, 시간자원을 효율적으로 활용하는 데 필요한 기초자료로 제공될 수 있을 것이며, 궁극적으로 여성의 「삶의 질」을 향상시키는 데 기여할 것으로 사료된다.;Individual's view of time as resource has recently been geared toward making the best use of time as the basic unit of human life in order to deepen the context of interpersonal relationships and maximize quality of life. The quality of one's time can be enhanced depending on how efficiently one allocate, manage, and spend the quantity of time. The present study aims to conduct an in depth examination of the first time-allocation survey carried out in Korea by the National Statistical Office in 1999 and analyze differences and identify problems in time allocation among married women according to their marital status and socioeconomic characteristics. Along the way, strategic plans and policy implications are suggested for improving the efficiency of time allocation. Major findings can be summarized as follows. Patterns of time allocation among married women in Korea vary widely depending on their marital status. The largest portion of their time in general is spent on ‘self-care’ which includes time allocated for sleep. However, divorced women are found to spend the next largest portion of their time on work, while widowed women and women with spouse spend the second largest portion their time on 'leisure and friends/acquaintances'. Divorced women are found to spend significantly more time at work than widowed women and women with spouse do. This is presumably a result stemming from the fact that divorced women, unlike women with spouse present, are highly responsible for household livelihood not only because they do not have income-earning husbands, but also because they are generally younger than their widowed counterparts and therefore are less likely to have income-earning children. Divorced and widowed women in their thirties/forties as compared with other groups are found to spend much more time on work. This may be not only because they unlike women with spouse present－must fulfill their responsibilities and role as the main breadwinner for the family, but also because they are more likely to have school-aged children and are responsible for earning money for bringing up and educating them. Unemployed women, regardless of their marital status, are found to spend more time on household and family care than employed women. This implies that there is an accentuated policy need for paying particular heed to social support toward helping divorced women balance their work and family lives. Koreans in general－irrespective of socio-demographic factors such as gender, age, educational level, marital status, and employment status－are found to devote little time to voluntary activities, even during weekends or holidays. Non-working women and elderly people, in particular, spend very limited amount of time participating in voluntary activities despite having relatively much spare time. Divorced and widowed women as compared to women with spouse are found to suffer from lack of time to care for their preschool children due to other obligations. This calls for more policy attention to be placed on the protection of physical and emotional health of children in these female-headed households. For instance, the availability/accessibility of desired services should be ensured through the expansion of home-helper programs, educare centers, and financial aid programs. Based on these results, the following time management strategies and policy options can be considered. First, more time needs to be allocated, especially in the case of married non-working women, to voluntary activities. This can be made possible by reducing time spent on friends/acquaintances, leisure activities, and self-care. Second, it is hard for many divorced and widowed women to allocate much time to household and family care because they are responsible for engaging in income-earning activities. Therefore, social support should be provided to enhance the availability and accessibility of home-helper programs and daycare services. Third, cultural/leisure programs should be developed for working married women who generally have little or no time for leisure and interpersonal relationships. Forth, the longstanding inequalities in gender roles must be redressed. To do this would require men to escape from their traditional ‘male gender role’ and assume an increased, if not equal, role in household tasks and family care.
먹거리 위험사회일수록 그 사회 전체가 지속가능하지 않고 불확실한 미래를 가질 수 밖에 없다. 이 때문에 제대로 된 먹거리 보장 정책이 필요하다. 한국의 먹거리 문제 인식은 매우 낮은 수준이다. 먹거리 문제를 사회구성원 누구에게나 닥칠 수 있는 사회적 위험으로 받아들이지도 않았고, 먹거리에 대한 양적·질적 욕구를 사회적 욕구로 인정하는 데에도 매우 인색하였다. 때문에 체계적인 먹거리 보장 정책이나 복지 프로그램이 마련되어 있지 않았다. 다만 생존의 문제를 해결하기 위해 결식 빈곤층과 기초생활수급자에 대한 ‘공공급식’을 지원하는 수준이었다. 이렇게 먹거리 보장 정책이 활성화되지 못한 이유는 첫째, 먹거리 보장에 대한 사회적 인식이 철저하지 않다는 것이다. 결핍문제 해결을 먹거리 보장의 모든 것이라고 생각하고 있었다. 둘째, 먹거리 위기를 인식하는 데에 생산자와 소비자, 절대 빈곤계층과 상대적 부유층, 시장주의자와 생태주의자 사이에 커다란 차이가 있었다. 이렇기 때문에 먹거리 연대가 허약할 수밖에 없으며, 결과적으로 먹거리 문제해결에 사회적 합의가 이루어지지 않았다. 셋째, 먹거리 문제를 개인적 차원으로만 생각하는 경향이 강하였다. 그러나 먹거리는 생산자에서 소비자에 이르기까지 먹거리 공급연계에 참여하는 모든 사람들과 관련된 문제이며, 경제·사회·환경에서부터 건강·교육·문화에 이르는 많은 분야들에 널리 걸쳐 있는 문제다. 시장성보다는 공공성으로 풀어야 한다. 새로운 먹거리 보장 정책에는 이러한 인식의 전환이 필요하다.;The riskier a society’s food system becomes, the more unsustainable and uncertain the future of the society will be. Being concerned about food safety can be regarded as a core characteristic of a food risk society. That is the very reason why we need a well-designed policy to secure food safety. However, it has been found that the public’s perception of food safety problems remains low in Korea. Korean people are unwilling to acknowledge food safety problems as a general social risk. The dearth of systematic policies and welfare programs regarding foods safety can be ascribed at least in part to lack of public interest in food safety. Current foods-related policies remain focused only on providing ‘public catering services’ for those who live under the minimum wage level. Why food security policies are underdeveloped in Korea? First, the level of people’s perception about foods security remains low. Secondly, there have been some serious discrepancies in the understanding of food crisis between producers and consumers, between those living in absolute poverty and those enjoying relatively wealthy lives, and between those who are market-oriented and ecology-oriented. Third, people tend to view food problems only as personal concerns. On the contrary, the food problems should be regarded as community problems in which all participants in the food supply chain, from producers to consumers, are involved. Food problems, therefore, are social problems, not personal ones, and because of the very social factors they have, should be approached from a socioeconomic perspective. These changes in viewpoints are prerequisites for initiating a new food security policy.